The Glorious Course of Development of China’s Non-communist Parties

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The Glorious Course of Development of China’s Non-communist Parties

Du Qinglin

  The non-communist parties of China (traditionally known in China as the “democratic parties”) are important participants and promoters of multi-party cooperation. They emerged in response to conditions in the country before the founding of New China. Adapting to changing conditions, they united and cooperated with the Communist Party of China and fought alongside the CPC. The non-communist parties of China have been carrying on and developing their fine traditions and working for progress alongside the CPC since the founding of New China. They have stood beside the CPC in facing the tests of history, adding a glorious chapter to the country’s history. The non-communist parties of China have consistently shared the fate and advanced together with the nation. They have accepted the leadership of the CPC and embarked on the road of new democracy. This was the conscious choice of the non-communist parties themselves, which led to the establishment of the system of multi-party cooperation. The active measures taken by the non-communist parties to transform themselves during the shift from new democracy to socialism promoted the consolidation of multi-party cooperation. They have solemnly vowed to unswervingly follow the road of socialism with Chinese characteristics and promote development of the cause of multi-party cooperation. Time has fully demonstrated that China’s non-communist parties are patriotic parties that always bear in mind the fate and future of the nation. They have proved themselves to be an important force in the effort to make the country prosperous, unify the motherland and rejuvenate the nation. They are fully confident as they stand beside the CPC through all types of trials and difficulties. They have proved themselves to be great companions for the CPC and work closely with the CPC on their common cause in a concerted effort. They uphold the fine traditions of educating themselves and working for unity and democracy. They are both highly progressive and inclusive, and are political parties participating in the political process dedicated to the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

(From People’s Daily, September 16, 2009)

No Model Is Universally Applicable

Zhao Qizheng

  Martin Jacques, a British scholar, has written a new book called, When China Rules the World. One assumption of the book is that China will become the world’s largest economy by the year 2050 (according to a prediction of Goldman Sachs, China’s GDP will be twice that of the United States by 2050), but this is an overly optimistic prediction. Nevertheless, China’s per capita GDP at that time will still lag far behind that of the United States. Fortunately, the final conclusion of the book is in contrast to the shocking title. Martin Jacques in the end concludes that China will not rule the world. He believes that China’s rise will result in the rejuvenation of Chinese culture and that China will resume its position as one of the world’s finest civilizations. People in Europe and the US may read more Confucius and Chinese people may read more Shakespeare, but China has no plan whatsoever to export “the Chinese model.” Some developing countries may want to learn from certain practices in China’s reform and opening up policy, just as China may want to learn from certain practices in the social and economic development of other countries. This is only natural in the process of globalization taking place today. If China were to attempt to export “the Chinese model” it would contradict the principle that the government policy of a country should be in accordance with conditions in that country, a principle China has always followed. We believe that the correct development policy for China, or for any other developing country, must take into consideration the conditions of that country. In other words, “the Chinese model” is not universally applicable, just as the development models of highly developed countries are not universally applicable.

(From Study Times, December 7, 2009)

What Is the Mainstream Public Opinion in China?

Zhang Guifu

 Quite a few blogs have expressed the opinion that there are mainly two choices for the political system of China: one is to adopt a US-style democracy and the other is to continue practicing China’s existing model. I believe that we should refer to mainstream public opinion to see which model the majority of the people want. Looking back at the contemporary history of China we see a story that is painted with blood and tears as the overwhelming majority of the people struggled on the thin line between extreme poverty and death. The Chinese people now generally have access to adequate food and shelter, with many people doing very well and a small number of people having become rich. The gap between China and the developed countries of the world is still large, but looking back at China’s past we can see that a great deal of progress has been made. Therefore, everyone hopes that the country will continue to develop and hopes that China will be able to overcome all its problems and make continuous progress on this basis so that the country becomes richer and stronger and the people become more prosperous. It could be said that this is the aspiration of the overwhelming majority of the people, i.e., mainstream public opinion. Neither the US model nor the Chinese model is perfect. In the past, we suffered a great deal because we had blind faith in a certain model, but some people are now saying that Western-style democracy is suitable for the whole world and is universally applicable. Isn’t this a rather superstitious way of looking at things? Following superstitions is bound to have bad consequences sooner or later. No one is saying that freedom is not good or that democracy is not good, only that they can only be implemented to a certain degree and cannot be over done. If there were too much freedom then everyone would be free to do whatever they want and if there were too much democracy the people would be like sheep without a shepherd. If laws and regulations were to be too lenient there would be people who would act as if there were no laws or regulations. Instead of protecting the rights and interests of the general public, such a situation would only indulge certain individuals while harming the overwhelming majority of the people.

(From Beijing Daily, November 16, 2009)

Adjusting Balance in Six Areas to Address the Financial Crisis

Cheng Siwei

 First, the balance between savings and consumption among various countries of the world needs to be adjusted. People in the West need to increase savings and people in the East need to increase consumption. In addition, all countries need to attach great importance to balancing internal and external demand. When financially developed countries “de-leverage,” it inevitably leads to a reduction in demand, which in turn leads to excess production capacity in the countries that produce resources and products. This forces those countries to reduce their reliance on external demand and work harder to increase domestic demand. For this reason, we must find ways to raise people’s purchasing power and make their income grow in line with economic growth. In still another area, the financial institutions of the world need to pay attention to balancing financial innovation and financial regulation. Financial innovation and financial regulation are mutually restricting and mutually promoting. The original intent for financial innovations was to enable investors to reduce risk through hedge funds, but at the same time they may become tools for speculation. Fourth, all countries need to take another look at the balance between their virtual economy and their real economy and decide on an appropriate ratio where the balance between the two should be maintained. The virtual economy refers to economic activities in which money is directly made from money. Before the financial crisis, the scale of the virtual economy, including the market value of stocks and the surplus value of bonds plus the total value of the contracts for financial derivatives still outstanding, reached more than US$500 trillion, but total global GDP was only US$61 trillion. Although development of the virtual economy can improve financial efficiency, it can also be accompanied by huge risks. The virtual economy before the crisis was more than eight times as large as the real economy. Fifth, all countries should maintain a balance between promoting economic growth and ensuring sustainable development. Looking at the long term, climate change is more significant than the financial crisis because it affects the very existence and development of humankind. The fundamental way to address climate change is to develop new energy sources, including renewable energy and clean energy. Lastly, all countries of the world should balance moves to regional integration and economic globalization, which will be even more beneficial to world peace and development.

(From First Financial Daily, November 17, 2009)

China’s Progress in Theoretical Economics over the Past 60 Years

Zhang Zhuoyuan

 Progress has been made in six areas in theoretical economics in New China over the past 60 years. One, we made great progress in exploring our own road for building socialism under the guidance of the basic principles of Marxist economics and established the theory of the primary stage of socialism in the course of implementing the policy of reform and opening up. Two, we established the theory of the socialist market economy, which was the outstanding outcome of study and discussion by Chinese economists concerning the number one major hot topic, the relationship between planning and market forces. Three, we made major breakthroughs in the theory of ownership and the theory of distribution. While retaining public ownership as the dominant form we allow different forms of private ownership to develop and compete on an equal basis with public ownership, take stock ownership as the main form for realizing public ownership and distribute wealth both according to work performed and according to factors of production. Four, we worked out ways to transform the national economy from a closed or semi-closed state to a more open state by promoting reform and development through opening up, combining more openness to the outside world with going out into the world and gradually developing a theory of opening up to the outside world that is in line with economic globalization. Five, we focused more and more attention on working out theories on economic growth and development by studying the question of what kind of development the country should pursue and how the country should develop and studying the laws governing China’s industrialization, urbanization and modernization guided by the idea that development is essential and the Scientific Outlook on Development. Six, major changes were made in the methods used in economics. We recognized the importance of innovation, stressed the importance of closely linking economic theory with actual conditions and applying the useful achievements of modern economics, attached more importance to empirical studies and quantitative analysis, and actively worked to develop proposals for countermeasures.

(From Guangming Daily, August 22, 2009)

Theoretical Preparation for National Rejuvenation

Chen Yulu

 Two major events in 2008 put China on the world stage “ahead of schedule,” the Beijing Olympics and the international financial crisis. These events present a pressing task for Chinese academicians and theoreticians. They need to work out how to improve the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics as quickly as possible over the next 30 years to make it a powerful ideological weapon and theoretical guide to guide the process of making China a strong and prosperous country. At the dawn of the new century, the CPC and the entire nation began to recognize the importance of the humanities and social sciences. The central task for the humanities and social sciences is to explore and review a development path and development model suitable for China and to develop a theoretical system to fully support efforts to make the country strong and prosperous and rejuvenate the nation. We need to make use of a combination of creative development of Marxism, creative borrowing from Western civilization and creative retention of traditional Chinese culture to further develop the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics. The solution must be a combination of all three because each one is indispensable. 

(From China Social Sciences Today, December 22, 2009)

Orientation and Strengths of China’s Democratic Politics

Chen Hongtai

 The basic development direction of China’s politics is to make the Party’s governance the greatest political strength through the Party’s self-improvement so as to build the effective governance and effective government superior to those in Western countries and to guarantee that the majority of the Chinese people can fully participate in China’s politics in an orderly manner and thus truly be masters of the country. This trend is already evident. Over the last 60 years of innovation and improvement in the system since the founding of New China, and especially over the past 30 years since the institution of the reform and opening up policy, China has followed a political development path that is different from the democratic political systems of Western countries. Practicing a Western-style multi-party system in China is not necessary or feasible at present. The greatest strength of China’s democratic politics is closely tied to the leadership and governance of the Party. That strength lies in the fact that the Party can concentrate all of the country’s political resources and organizational resources to bear on the main aspects of the development of the country and society. Currently, this means concentrating resources to successfully carry out economic development and scientific development. The direct elections of Party organizations leaders on the basis of recommendation by the Party members and the general public now being held in some communities and localities have become an institution and have obtained excellent practical results. Candidates for leading positions in local party organizations are nominated both by Party members and the general public, after which the leading bodies are then elected by direct election at a meeting of all Party members. Formerly, leaders of Party organizations were directly nominated and appointed by the Party committee. Now candidates may nominate themselves or be nominated jointly by Party members and the general public or Party organization, after which all Party members vote for the leaders. As a result, the extent of democratic participation on the part of ordinary Party members in the selection of leading cadres and the decision-making of Party committees has constantly increased. The system of fixed terms for Party delegates has also gradually been institutionalized and is playing its due role and performing its proper function. The system of collective decision-making and voting on decisions and system of the Party committee delivering reports to the Party congress is now commonly practiced. Law-based oversight systems, such as the system of auditing the economic responsibilities of leading cadres before, during and after their term of office and the accountability system have made great progress and achieved a great deal.

(From People’s Forum, No. 20, 2009)

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